This Friday, Albania will begin what is expected to be the least surprising electoral campaign in the country’s post-communist history, though it will likely be more filled with propagandistic disinformation than any previous one. The opposition, struggling after Sali Berisha was declared persona non grata by the U.S. Department of State, is hoping that Donald Trump will lift this designation. They believe that once this happens, they will be on a more equal footing with Edi Rama and the government.
However, Berisha’s non-grata status isn’t the real distinction between the opposition and Rama. The true difference lies in the votes each side commands, and this difference is historic and difficult to overcome. Instead of addressing the real issues Albanians face, the opposition is fixated on Donald Trump’s political battles.
Meanwhile, Edi Rama, as ruthless as ever during campaigns, is exacerbating tensions by publicly supporting Trump’s policies towards Europe. If taken seriously, this could jeopardize Albania’s path toward EU integration.
When transatlanticism was still in place, any attempt by a European politician to divide Europe and the U.S. would have been seen as betrayal. Statements like “I stand with Europe but not the U.S.” or “I support the U.S. but oppose Europe” were quickly dismissed as hypocrisy and viewed as anti-Western.
But transatlanticism ended with Donald Trump’s rise to power. He cemented this shift alongside Vice President JD Vance in Munich, and it deepens every day. Meanwhile, Europe is quietly reassessing its military, financial, and political strategies, including the integration of the Western Balkans into the EU, without drawing attention in Washington.
The debate over Trump in Tirana reflects more about the flaws in Albania’s political leadership than a true debate between supporting the U.S. or Europe. The alignment with Trump is a political miracle for Albanian leaders. They dream of Trump's fate—becoming a leader facing numerous charges only to avoid them once in power—while in Albania, politicians can be forced out of office for a fine they received abroad decades ago.
In terms of corruption, Trump’s model provides a welcome relief for many Albanian politicians, as mixing business with politics is neither seen as a conflict of interest nor corruption.
Politically, it’s even more appealing: holding a political party hostage as a wealthy individual, rewriting a country’s history, is a dream for many Albanian politicians. And we won’t even mention the sex scandals.
In this sense, Trump is admired in Albania not so much for what he’s doing to the U.S., but for what Albanian politicians hope to become.
Thus, the start of this campaign—with paid supporters who identify with Trump or public praise for him—does not reflect widespread American discontent with Trump’s actions in Europe. Rather, it highlights what Albanian politicians want to do in their own country.
So, let’s ignore this aspect of the campaign. It will be months, or even years, before Donald Trump understands where Albania is and what is happening here. It might take him just as long to consider whether any decision he makes would impact us. He is focused on numbers and markets, and we are too insignificant to grab his attention. In a way, this works to our advantage.
Albania’s primary focus must be EU integration, as this is a real process, with clear rules, obligations, and benefits. Europe hasn’t lost its way. The world’s anxiety is not about what Trump is doing, but about the uncertainty of whether the U.S. will return to transatlanticism after his presidency.
Until that is settled, we must stay focused on the West and continue the work required to become an EU member, as this is the destiny of four million Albanians.
“Trumpism,” on the other hand, is the hope and dream of only four people.
The article initially appeared in Albanian titled: "Trump-i në Shqipëri është i adhuruar, për atë që udhëheqësit tanë ëndërrojnë të jenë"
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