Why Sali Berisha sees the new opposition parties as his biggest threat

Sali Berisha’s relentless attacks on Albania’s new opposition parties have little to do with their current political weight. These parties are still in their infancy, yet Berisha has made them his primary target. This might seem disproportionate, especially considering Albania’s tradition of sidelining youth in politics, which Berisha could have used as an excuse to ignore them. However, his hostility stems from deeper, more personal concerns.

These new opposition parties, while not united in a single front, share one defining characteristic that alarms Berisha: they operate entirely outside his influence. By rejecting his shadow, they dismantle the myth that Berisha is the sole voice of Albania’s opposition.

Since 2021, Berisha’s primary political strategy has been to reclaim a monopoly over the opposition. This control would allow him to portray himself as a persecuted opposition leader, convicted for political reasons. The emergence of these independent parties has disrupted this narrative, stripping Berisha of his claim to represent a united opposition front.

This is why the new opposition parties have become his biggest political threat. In the upcoming 2025 elections, Albanian voters will have at least five additional opposition alternatives—most formed by dissidents from the Democratic Party and young political activists. These new choices will directly challenge Berisha’s grip on opposition supporters, presenting a clear break from his leadership.

Even more concerning for Berisha is the potential to quantify the anti-Berisha opposition electorate. While the new parties may not command a majority within the opposition, their thousands of votes will reveal the extent of dissatisfaction with Berisha’s political agenda. For the first time, his claim to leadership will be undermined by actual numbers.

This shift also denies Berisha the ability to use one of his key political weapons: the threat of an opposition election boycott. The new parties are independent of his influence, ensuring that the opposition will participate in the 2025 elections regardless of Berisha’s actions. His previous attempt to rally support through so-called “civil disobedience” has already ended in farcical failure, further weakening his credibility.

Berisha’s greatest fear lies in what comes after the elections. Faced with yet another electoral defeat, he will struggle to explain his leadership failures to his supporters. The rise of the new opposition parties undermines the core of his political ambitions over the past three years: to use the opposition as a shield for his personal interests.

Moving forward, the lines will be clearer. Those who continue to follow Berisha will do so to serve his personal agenda. Meanwhile, the new opposition parties represent a fresh start for those who genuinely seek to advance the cause of Albania’s opposition. For Berisha, this is not just a political challenge—it is the beginning of the end of his monopoly.

The article initially appeared in Albanian titled: "Përse Berisha është i tërbuar me opozitarët e rinj"