The Democratic Party’s silent struggle with Berisha’s shadow

Sali Berisha was clearly unsettled by my editorial from two days ago, in which I defended Belind Këlliçi against accusations that led SPAK (Albania’s Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime) to question him on the same day as Tirana Mayor Erion Veliaj. Berisha's unease stems from his inability to acknowledge how his own smear campaign politics have enabled SPAK to target politicians at will. SPAK enjoys public support because years of rhetoric—much of it from Berisha himself—have convinced people that all politicians are thieves.

Knowing Berisha as I do, better than he knows himself, and understanding how he manipulates his subordinates within the Democratic Party, I can often predict—and even influence—his moves. Yesterday, I anticipated he would summon Këlliçi and push him to hold a press conference attacking me for defending him. This wouldn’t have been the first time he orchestrated such a maneuver, nor the first time I guided him into it, aware of his predictable political blindness.

Whether Berisha actually instructed Këlliçi or not, his decision to act directly instead of waiting for Këlliçi to do so reveals frustration—not only with Këlliçi but also with others he tests by throwing them into battles against his enemies. Berisha’s issue with me here is simple: I don’t associate Këlliçi or many other Democratic Party members with him. The exception is a few hardline loyalists who consciously stand by him.

Having known Berisha long before many of his current allies, I understand their struggles. I even maintain good personal relations with some of them—enough to offer to write the very speeches they’re forced to deliver against me, just to satisfy Berisha. Honestly, there have been times I’ve done precisely that.

When you’re stuck under the shadow of a figure like Sali Berisha, it is humiliating to act genuinely. Pretending to follow his lead, however, is a survival tactic—and probably for the best. Berisha is fighting not just against history but also against nature, while these individuals still have their futures ahead of them.

As for Këlliçi, I’m not concerned about what he might say, whether it’s about Mayor Veliaj, me, or fellow journalists. I know he’s simply reciting what Berisha has scripted for him. With that in mind, I feel no resentment—neither toward myself nor toward Këlliçi or others whom Berisha uses as pawns in his media battles. As I’ve said before, I’m even willing to write their attacks on me if it helps Berisha feel reassured about their loyalty.

For years, Berisha has unwittingly followed my cues. Beyond dividing the opposition, he’s also made the Democrats more aware of the damage his presence causes their party. Today, I believe only Flamur Noka genuinely considers Berisha brave and uncorrupted. Everyone else knows better, which aligns perfectly with my goal of exposing Berisha’s destructiveness.

A few years ago, when I was battling against Berisha, his supporters would go out of their way to avoid me. Now, even those who once hated me the most because of him are reaching out, inviting me for coffee, and admitting, “You were right, but we have no other choice.” For me, this is enough to feel that I’ve achieved my goal of dismantling the image of one of the most destructive figures in Albanian politics—a man who has built a 34-year career on institutionalizing hate speech and mudslinging as his sole strategy.

The Democratic Party, though still Berisha’s prisoner, is freer and more self-aware than it was a few years ago. This is a promising sign for Albania. Many current Democrats could contribute to a better future—once Berisha is no longer a factor.

Still, I regret that public opinion hasn’t caught up with the Democrats themselves in recognizing the toxic dynamic between Berisha and the party. Ironically, Berisha, who now pretends to support Këlliçi, betrayed him during his campaign against Veliaj. While Këlliçi struggled for backing, Berisha’s son was busy sending intermediaries to the prime minister’s office to secure construction permits for major development projects.

How could Belind Këlliçi possibly defeat Erion Veliaj, Edi Rama, and Shkëlzen Berisha’s all at once, while campaigning alone? Considering the betrayal he endured, the votes Këlliçi secured were nothing short of remarkable. Yet now, ironically, he must make another effort to prove his loyalty to Berisha.

Fortunately, the Democratic Party is more aware than the public that it cannot save itself from Berisha—yet. I empathize with their struggles and don’t take offense when Berisha uses them to attack journalists, political opponents, or the media. Being led by a man like Berisha is a heavy burden, and the only way to survive under his rule is to pretend to share his madness.

The article initially appeared in Albanian titled: "Përpjekjet e Berishës për të vënë “në provë” Belind Këlliçin dhe të tjerët"