SPAK is forcing even its fiercest opponents to reform

The protest organized by Ilir Meta’s Freedom Party in front of SPAK (Albania’s Special Prosecution against Corruption and Organized Crime) offices on Friday was largely ignored—even by Meta’s own party. Rather than searching for reasons behind the low turnout, it’s more accurate to view it as a sign of the party’s declining influence and relevance, particularly after Meta’s arrest. The Socialist Movement for Integration, now rebranded as the Freedom Party, seems to have realized that protesting outside SPAK offices is ineffective compared to pursuing legal battles in court. However, they appear reluctant to take that path as well.

More surprising was the absence of support from Sali Berisha’s Democratic Party, which in the past has reliably provided participants for Meta’s protests. This is a surprising turn, given Meta’s consistent participation in Berisha’s rallies against SPAK.

This shift reveals Berisha’s growing difficulty in defining his position in the fight against SPAK. For example, he initially celebrated SPAK’s investigation into Tirana Mayor Erion Veliaj’s family as a victory resulting from opposition protests at Tirana City Hall. Yet, shortly afterward, he claimed that Prime Minister Edi Rama was planning to “sacrifice” Veliaj.

However, none of these arguments have gained traction. If Berisha credits protests for influencing SPAK, it’s unclear why he would boycott Meta’s recent protest. Conversely, if he believes SPAK is controlled by the government, then the opposition’s earlier protests outside Tirana City Hall were pointless. These inconsistencies undermine his position.

Meanwhile, some online media outlets, reliant on payments from government ministers, find themselves in a similar bind. Their journalists are often seen mingling in the anterooms of ministers or attending personal and family events, blending journalism with patronage. One such journalist, who identifies as both a Berisha supporter and a backer of SPAK, spins daily narratives to convince Berisha that he is being manipulated by Tirana Mayor Erion Veliaj against SPAK. The goal is to present Berisha as aligned with SPAK, even if unwittingly, all while avoiding accusations of being a Socialist Party plant within the Democratic Party. This narrative also conveniently justifies the funding these outlets receive from Socialist sources.

This is the same pattern seen with others who have ended up in SPAK’s sights, including several government ministers. These individuals benefitted from paid support and access to legal information—resources that were useful until they themselves became SPAK targets. Now, the same approach is being applied to Berisha.

What unites everyone involved is the growing realization that SPAK operates independently, uninfluenced by the media, the government, or Berisha. It has proven capable of causing problems for all sides, including the Socialists, whose internal struggles are also becoming evident.

To illustrate this dynamic, I recall a conversation with a fellow journalist who has been in the profession since 1990. We were discussing the official celebration of Albania’s National Day on November 28, organized by the President. As journalists, we’ve attended this event every year since 1991. In the early years, the focus of attention was always the U.S. Ambassador, who held a central role in the event’s social dynamics.

Then, the focus shifted. The Greek ambassador became the center of attention as his embassy handled visa issuance, with politicians eagerly trying to “bump into him” at events. Later, when Schengen visas were introduced, the Italian ambassador took the spotlight, as he issued two-year visas. Once visa requirements were lifted for Albanians traveling, the U.S. Ambassador regained importance.

With the advent of Justice System Reform, Western diplomats grew even more influential. However, during the most recent November 28 event, the spotlight shifted again—this time to SPAK’s chief prosecutor, Altin Dumani. Attendees subtly maneuvered to cross paths with him, reflecting a new hierarchy of influence.

This shift underscores why many who previously opposed SPAK are now rethinking their strategies. Rather than public confrontations, they are turning inward, focusing on managing their own legal issues.

The article initially appeared in Albanian titled: "SPAK po reformon dhe 'luftëtarët anti-SPAK'"